Online Politeness Strategies Used By Malaysians Cultural Studies Essay

Online Politeness Strategies Used By Malaysians Cultural Studies Essay This study aims to investigate the politeness and the related strategies used by Malaysian chatters in the conversations of online setting. Chat room messages are spontaneous and instantly visible, making it similar to the daily natural-occurring discourse. For this study, Yahoo chat rooms have been chosen to evaluate the pattern of politeness strategies used by most Malaysians. This study examines 20 written conversations or messages in Yahoo chat rooms. The data were collected by logging in into Yahoo Messenger, and into one of the many chat rooms that has been featured. The conversation or messages written by the Malaysian chatters in the chat rooms were then copied and saved. The data were then analyzed by referring to Brown and Levinsons theory of politeness strategy (1987). Based on Brown and Levinsons model of politeness strategy (1987), the politeness strategies used in daily conversations to reduce Face Threatening Acts (FTAs) are grouped into four main strategies which are Bald on Record, Positive Politeness, Negative Politeness, and Off-the-Record. The results of the analysis show that positive politeness strategy is most widely used by Malaysian chatters in the Yahoo chat rooms. It may happen because the conversation is in the form of sharing where chatters reveal stories about themselves or state their opinion about something. Most chatter interacts with each other to share their experiences or stories among themselves. In this case, S satisfies Hs positive face by giving gift, not only in the form of thing, but human-relation that wants to be liked, admired, care about, understood, listened to, etc. Therefore, it is proved that even in this faceless community, people still want to be liked and admired. They also want to share and be able to understand each others feelings and thoughts even when they are not communicating face-to-face. 1.0. Introduction   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  A chat room is part of a Web site, or part of the online services such as the Yahoo chat rooms, that provides a venue for communities of users around the world with a common interest to communicate in real time. It is indeed a common fact that each human has the need to communicate with others. Communication is defined as a process by which we assign and convey meanings in an attempt to create shared understanding, considering that both the speaker and hearer should hold to general rules or principles and thereby use certain strategies. An often used strategy to achieve this is known as politeness (Renkema, 1993).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Leech (1983) defines politeness as a form of behavior that establishes and maintains comity, that is, the ability of participants in a social interaction to engage in interaction in an atmosphere of relative harmony. Brown and Levinson (1987) suggest politeness as a compensation action taken to counter-balance the disruptive effect of face-threatening acts (FTAs). In addition, they also describe Face Threatening Acts as acts that infringe on the hearers need to maintain his/her self-esteem and be respected (Brown and Levinson, 1987).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   According to Brown and Levinson, politeness strategies are developed in order to save the hearers face. Face refers to a speakers sense of linguistic and social identity, which is defined as the public self-image that every member (of the society) wants to claim for himself (Brown and Levinson, 1987).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     However, this linguistic aspect occurs in the verbal communication of the real conversation not only in the real world but also in the cyber world. Nowadays, since technology has developed rapidly, people can communicate with others using many kinds of media. One of the technologies used widely by the society of the world is the internet. The internet is a system that has revolutionized visual, oral, written communications and methods of commerce by allowing various computer networks around the world to interconnect. Therefore, it is now possible for people to communicate visually, orally, and in written form by using their Personal Computer and Internet modem.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   To communicate in the written form via the internet, people can use the facilities which are called e-mail and chat. Chat or chatting via the internet is a real-time communication between two or more users via computer and the users are popularly-known as chatters. Most networks and online services offer a chat feature. One of the common and popular internet facilities for chatting is the Yahoo Messenger chat room. Yahoo Messenger is one of the internet free facilities which can be accessed by many internet users that have a Yahoo account. On-line chat-channels or rooms in Yahoo Messenger have become a popular environment for meeting new people and for general conversations. These chat-channels are comparable to real-life situations where participants interact at the same time spontaneously and often in the same spatial environment. The same conversational rules are adhered to both in chat-channel conversations and in face-to-face interaction. However, some specific features of chat-channel conversation, such as the politeness strategies, might be different from those we meet outside the cyberspace, where a face-to-face interaction would occur. Thus, this study aims to explain the politeness strategies used by Malaysian chatters in Yahoo Messenger chat rooms through observation and analysis. 2.0. Literature Review. At the same time as supporting renewed interest in Grices Cooperative Principles (1975), the issue of politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use (Chen, 2001). Studies from Brown Levinson (1978, 1987) and Scollon and Scollon (1995) have aroused increased attention in the study of politeness. The face theory proposed by Brown and Levinson (1978, 1987) serves as the most influential theory on politeness. It plays a leading role in the study of speech acts (Ji, 2000; Hobbs, 2003). Brown Levinsons face theory contains three basic notions: face, face threatening acts (FTAs) and politeness strategies. 2.1. Politeness Politeness is an aspect of pragmatics in that its use in language is determined by an external context. This external context is the context of communication, which is determined by the social status of the participants. Politeness is a system used by the speaker in order to keep up to the addressees expectations. According to Grundy (1995: 135) the determiners of the need to use politeness strategies are distance, power and imposition. Imposition covers every action (including speech acts) which threatens the addressees autonomy and freedom of action and usually is conveyed in the form of an order. On the other hand, power is evaluated in terms of numerous factors such as position in society and age whereas distance implies the evaluation of the others place in the world, degree of familiarity and/or solidarity towards the addressee. The politeness systems theory advocated by Scollon and Scollon (1995) is also noteworthy in this field. They observe three politeness systems which are the deference politeness system, the solidarity politeness system and the hierarchical politeness system. The distinction of the three systems is mainly based on whether there exists power difference (+P or -P) and on the social distance between the interlocutors (+D or -D). The deference politeness system is one in which participants are considered to be equals or near equals but treat each other at a distance (e.g. classmates). In a solidarity politeness system, the speakers may feel neither power difference (-P) nor social distance (-D) between them (e.g. friends). The hierarchical politeness system may be widely recognized among companies, government and educational organizations, in which the speakers resort to different politeness strategies. 2.3. Face Threatening Acts (FTAs) Every utterance is potentially a face threatening act (FTA), either to the negative face or to the positive face. Therefore, people need to employ politeness strategies to redress the FTA. According to Brown and Levinson, Face Threatening Acts (FTAs) are acts that infringe on the hearers need to maintain his/her self esteem. If we do or are about to threaten someones positive or negative face, but do not mean it, we need to minimize it by applying politeness strategies. There are four polite strategies; Bald on Record, Positive Politeness, Negative Politeness, and Off-the-Record (as suggested by Brown and Levinson, 1987). 2.4. Politeness Strategy According to Brown and Levinson (1987), politeness strategies are developed to save the hearers face. Face refers to the respect that an individual has for him or herself, and maintaining that self-esteem in public or in private situations. Their notions of face is derived from that of Goffman (1967, as cited in Brown and Levinson 1987) and from the English folk term, which is related to notions of being embarrassed or humiliated, or losing face. Brown and Levinson stated that there are two types of face in an interaction which are positive and negative face. A persons positive face is the need to be accepted, even liked, by others, to be treated by members of the same group, and to know that his or her wants are shared by others. Whereas a persons negative face is the need to be independent, to have freedom of action and not to be imposed on by others (Yule, 1996).  Ã‚   In the bald on record strategy, the speaker provides no effort to minimize threats to the other persons face. The prime reason for its usage is that whenever a speaker (S) wants to do the FTA with maximum efficiency more than he wants to satisfy the hearers (Hs) face, even to any degree, he will chose bald on record strategy (Brown and Levinson, 1987: 95). There are, however, different kinds of bald on record usage in different circumstances, because S can have different motives for his or her wanting to do the FTA with maximum efficiency. It is divided into two classes which are cases of non-minimization of FTA and cases of FTA-oriented bald on record usage. On the other hand, in cases of FTA-oriented bald on record, the use of this strategy is more oriented to the face. In other words, it is used where face involves mutual orientation, so that each participant attempts to predict what the other participant is attempting to foresee. For in certain circumstances it is reasonable for S to assume that H will be especially worried with Hs potential violation or Ss maintaining. There are three functional categories or areas where we expect the pre-emptive invitations to occur in all languages (which are potential to FTA): The positive politeness strategy is usually seen in groups of friends, or where people in the given social situation know each other fairly well. It usually tries to minimize the distance between them by expressing friendliness and solid interest in the hearers need to be respected. The only feature that distinguishes positive politeness compensation from normal everyday intimate language behavior is an element of exaggeration. There are fifteen sub-strategies that are used in positive politeness strategies: Negative politeness is defined as a redressive action addressed to the addressees negative face: his want to have his freedom of action unobstructed and his attention unrestricted (Brown and Levinson, 1987). Negative politeness strategy recognizes the hearers face, but it also recognizes that the speaker is in some way forcing on them. Some of the sub-strategies of negative politeness are: According to Brown and Levinson (1987), a communicative act is done off-record if it is done in such a way that it is not possible to attribute only one clear communicative intention to the act. Thus, if a speaker wants to do an FTA, but wants to avoid the responsibility for doing it, he can do it off-record and leave it up the addressee to decide how to interpret it. Some sub-strategies of off-record: The research design of this study was descriptive qualitative. The data or the information were reported and described as the way they were, therefore any content of the information were not changed for the sake of the originality of the data required. The technique used, as in most descriptive research, was the observation technique, since it could exactly describe how the chatters responded directly to other chatters in the chat room. After being connected to the internet, a yahoo messenger window was opened. After approximately two hours of chatting with friends and strangers, all the written conversations were then copied and saved. Next, the data were printed out and analyzed. A document analysis was used because the data were in the form of written or visual material. While collecting the data, interpreting and analyzing them also took place. The data were classified according to the FTA contained in it. In this case, it was about what kind of politeness strategy used by the chatters, whether they were bald on record, positive politeness, negative politeness, or off-record based on Brown and Levinsons theory. After that, the data were described more specifically according to the chosen strategy. From table 2, it can be seen that in the chatting conversation, Malaysian chatters used many variations of Positive Politeness strategy. Based on the results of this study, it is clear that Give gifts to H is frequently used by the chatters (23.6%). It may happen because the conversation is in the form of sharing where chatters reveal stories about themselves or state their opinion about something. Most chatter interacts with each other to share their experiences or stories among themselves. In this case, S satisfies Hs positive face by giving gift, not only in the form of thing, but human-relation that wants to be liked, admired, care about, understood, listened to, etc. Therefore, it is proved that even in this faceless community, people still want to be liked and admired. They also want to share and be able to understand each others feelings and thoughts even when they are not communicating face-to-face. As shown in Table 1, Bald on Record politeness strategy is the second most applied strategy by Malaysian chatters in Yahoo chat room. Malaysian chatters used this strategy mostly by giving sympathetic advice or warning (48.3%) (Table 3). In line with Positive Politeness strategy, it may happen due to the form of the conversation that is sharing problems and ideas. It is common fact that chatters logged into the cyberworld to release their tense whilst sharing what they felt about certain things with others. Bald on record strategy also is usually used among speakers that have close/intimate relation with each other (i.e. siblings, friends). Apart from this result, the current study also has found that among two group of people (strangers and friends), friends tend to use more bald on record when communicating among themselves (among all 40 chatters,26 friends used bald on record compared to only 3 strangers using bald on record). This is because they do not feel the need to minimize the threat to the Hs face believing that both S and H understand that they do not mean to embarrass each other purposely. According to the result by the current study, it is clear that the negative politeness strategy is not much used by the Malaysian chatters in their interaction with each other. The negative politeness strategy is only been used for a total 13 times by the chatters. The negative strategy mostly used by Malaysian chatters is by impersonalizing S and H (38.4%). It is rather common to impersonalize when the social distance between S and H is vast. In Malaysian it is considered polite when we use the negative politeness strategy, which explains why we apologize a dozen times to our lecturer before asking them a question. We Malaysian tend to address our superior with their title (i.e. maam, Dr, Professor, etc). In the chat room context, when we are communicating with a stranger or someone who is at a higher level in the social hierarchy (or a higher level status, language proficiency) we will mostly resort to this strategy in order to be polite because it is the norm in Malaysia. A speaker uses off-record strategy when he/she wants to avoid the responsibility of doing an FTA. When a speaker uses off-record strategy, he/she leaves the FTA up to the addressee to decide how to interpret it since here the speaker must say something in general (less information) or different from what he means (Brown and Levinson 1987: 211) Off the Record Frequency Percentage (%) Give Association Clues 1 50 Be vague 1 50 Over -generalize Use saying total 2 100 Table 5: distribution of the variation of Off the Record Strategy No. Chatters and dialogues Chosen strategy 1. YT: Im about to explode. All this whle I tot shes comin!!!! Wtff HF: ooooooà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. Someones really mad. KP: I noeeee,,,y did she canceled her concert? =( Off the Record (be vague) Examples of Off the record strategy in a conversation As shown in Table 5, off-record strategy is very rarely used by Malaysian chatters. Based on the results of the current study, Malaysian chatters only used off the record strategy for a total of 2 times only. Malaysian used this strategy by giving association clues and being vague towards the topic of conversation. 5.0. Conclusions From the findings, it is discovered that politeness strategies are also applied in computer-mediated communication, as presented by Malaysian chatters in Yahoo chat room. Politeness is used to maintain the social value of the community, including in virtual-community. The chatters used the strategy of politeness when they communicate in the computer-mediated communication (CMC) to reduce the FTA in saying something. The findings show that positive politeness strategy is the most frequently used strategy by Malaysian chatters in Yahoo chat room. Most chatters use this strategy while considering other chatters feeling or face. It is also used to gain and show respect towards each other. It may happen due to the setting of the conversation and the social distance between the chatters which clearly is very close. Thus, this result is parallel with if the chatters were to have a face-to-face conversation with each other. Because of their closeness with each other, they tend to use polite strategy in order to be liked, understand and accepted among themselves. Thus, this result supports Brown and Levinsons theory which says that polite strategy contains statements of friendship, compliments and etc.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Bald on record is also quite widely used by Malaysian chatters in the CMC because most of the chatters know each other mutually; hence they have a very close relation with each other. According to Brown and Levinsons theory, people that used this strategy are likely to be friends or having any intimate relation with one another. This explains the phenomena where mutual friends interact through chat rooms in order to share their thoughts and feelings when they are not able to meet each other in person (due to time and other constraints). It also the belief that people sound less polite in CMC can be attributed to production costs: It takes more time to type hedges and indirect requests in fast-paced CMC, and so people use balder, shorter forms (Brennan and Ohaeri, 1999).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Negative politeness strategy is generally used by Malaysian chatters when they want to ask other chatters to do something and to show that the interlocutor recognizes the addressees want to have his freedom of action unobstructed. A rather different phenomenon from what happen in the real world is that sometimes Malaysian chatters minimize the imposition of the FTA by writing smiley sign (e.g. 🙂 or =), 😉 etc.) or grinning expression (e.g. hehehe). It happens since the chatters in the CMC cannot see each others face.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Off-the-record strategy of politeness is the least used by Malaysian chatters in Yahoo chat room. This might happen considering the social distance between the chatters. As explained earlier, Malaysians tend to vague when communicating with strangers or those who are of a higher ranking in social hierarchy. This is because the speaker wants to remove the potential to be imposing. 5.1. Limitations of study This study shows its limitations in several ways. Firstly, the study only investigates the chat room discourse between interlocutors of college-going ages. Thus the language used by chatters might be influenced by their age. Therefore, this finding may not apply to situations where interlocutors are of different (older) age and unequal social status (lecturers, parents, etc). Furthermore, the subjects are limited to a relatively small group of college students (the chat room was joined by only 40 people). So the result can only reflect the speech of a small group of people in a limited region. More research can be conducted on more subjects to test and complement the findings of this present study. 5.2. Future study It may be very interesting to investigate the politeness phenomenon of the subjects having different ages, unequal social status and different social relationships A future research can be done to analyze the politeness strategy used by people in e-mails. Furthermore, a study of the politeness strategy used by men and women can be compared in terms of the writing styles for both men and women and relate it with the effect of the strategy used. This is possible since gender difference is also one of the factors in the politeness applied.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Future research can also be done by conducting a similar research studying the private messages in Yahoo chat rooms. Here, the politeness strategies used by the chatters can be observed when they communicate privately (e.g. what kind of politeness strategy will they choose to answer a personal question). A cross-cultural study which compares the politeness strategy used by Malaysian and English chatters in the private messages may also be done in the future. It is since in each culture, people have different values in communicating; thus it will influence the politeness employed in the same context.

“Catcher in the Rye”: Not a Bildungsroman Essay

Bildungsroman: a coming-of-age novel. Many critics and readers alike have argued that JD Salingers Catcher in the Rye is a superb example of a bildungsroman. The novel is a narration by Holden Caulfield, a troubled and mentally unstable sixteen year-old that has just been expelled from his fourth prep school. Holden, who is undergoing treatment in a mental institution, recounts the story of his mental breakdown and the events leading up to it. He concludes the story with brief hints at his recovery. Though one assumes that Holden is receiving and responding to treatment, his attitude and tone are unchanged throughout the novel. If the protagonist has not matured since story began, how can Catcher in the Rye be considered a bildungsroman?The novel opens with Holden carelessly tossing around the fact that he has been expelled from Pencey Prep (page 2). Though Holden has previously been kicked out of three other prestigious schools, he is completely apathetic about the situation. He has no drive; no concern or outlook for his future whatsoever. Even after everything that Holden experiences throughout Catcher in the Rye, his attitude is unchanged at the conclusion: and what school Im supposed to go to next fall, after I get out of here, but I dont feel like it. I really dont. That stuff doesnt interest me too much right now (page 213). That statement unequivocally proves that Holden has not matured at all. Contemptuous, bitter, judgmental: take your pick. Each word describes Holden to a tee; not just in the beginning, but throughout the entire narration. Holden is constantly judging everyone he comes into contact with. He speaks about Mr. Spencer (page 10), a professor at Pencey Prep, in the same patronizing tone that he describes a particular psychoanalyst with (page 213). Though the events take place several months apart, Holdens attitude is consistent. He continues to have a cynical, patronizing, and overall pessimistic outlook on people and life in general. If Holden is just as immature and mentally undeveloped at the end of the novel as he was at the beginning, how can one argue that he has come of age? Having a mental breakdown and needing treatment for said breakdown may very well be considered a rite of passage. However, to be considered a coming of age story, Holden would need to be changed for the better because of his  rite of passage. One can clearly tell from his consistency in tone, attitude, and maturity level (or lack thereof) that Holden has not changed in the least. Though many critics and readers alike have claimed Catcher in the Rye to be an excellent bildungsroman, there is certainly a strong argument to be made against this claim. â€Å"Catcher in the Rye† By JD Salinger (1951)Pamela Hunt Steinle (2000). In Cold Fear: The Catcher in the Rye Censorship Controversies and Postwar American Character. Ohio State University Press.

History Of Popular Culture

In Early Modern Europe festivals were the setting for heroes and their stories, to be celebrated by the populace. They posed a change from their everyday life. In those days people lived in remembrance of one festival and in expectance of the next. Different kinds of festivals were celebrated in different ways. There were festivals that marked an individual occasion and weren’t part of the festival calendar, like family festivals such as weddings and christenings. Some took place at the same time every year and ere for everyone, like community festivals like the different saints’ days. Pilgrimages took place all year round. Annuals festivals like Christmas and Midsummer always took place on the same day every year. In those days the average village in Western Europe celebrated at least 17 festivals annually, not counting family occasions and saints’ days. Some festivals, such as Carnival, lasted several days or sometimes even several weeks. In the Netherlands Carnival started every year at the 11th of November (St. Martin) and culminated in a big festival of ‘Dranck, pleijsier ende vrouwen’ (Drink, fun and women) at the end of the Carnival eriod, preceding the period of Lent. Festivals were meant to take the minds of the people off their everyday life, off the hard times and their work. Everyday life in Early Modern Europe was filled with rituals, both religious and secular. Songs and stories played an important role in their lives, although they sometimes adjusted the details of the legends and stories to fit the way they thought a certain festival should take place. Popular culture was mixed with ecclesiastical culture in many ways. The story of St. John the Baptist is a good example of this. The ancient ritual f bathing and lighting fires during Midsummer’s Eve was a remnant of a ritual from the pre-Christian period. Fire and water, symbols of purification, could be seen as the tools of St. John the Baptist, and therefore a combination of the two elements of popular and ecclesiastical culture was obvious. It looks as if the Medieval Church took over the festival and made it theirs. The same thing happened to the Midwinter Festival, which became linked with the birth of Christ, on 25 December. There are many more examples to be found, such as the connection between St. Martin and geese caused by the fact that the St. Martins Day (11 November) coincided with the period during which the people used to kill their geese in the period preceding the Christian period. Carnival plays a special role in popular culture in Early Modern Europe. It is a great example of a festival of images and texts. It was a popular festival, taking on different forms in different regions of Europe. Aside from regional variations, these differences were also caused by factors such as the climate, the political situation and the economical situation in an area. On a whole Carnival started in late December or early January and reached ts peak upon approaching Lent. The actual feast, taking place at the end of the festive period, could take days and would usually involve large quantities of food and drinks. The festival took place in the open air in the centre of a town or city. Within a region, the way Carnival was celebrated varied from town to town. The festival was a play, with the streets as a stage and the people as actors and spectators. They often depicted everyday life scenes and made fun of them. Informal events took place throughout the Carnival period. There was massive eating and drinking, as a way of ’stocking up’ for Lent. People sang and danced in the streets, using the special songs of Carnival, and people wore masks and fancy-dress. There was verbal aggression, insults were exchanged and satirical verses were sung. More formally structures events were concentrated in the last days of the Carnival period. These events took places in the central squares and were often organised by clubs or fraternities. The main theme during Carnival was usually ‘The World Upside Down’. Situations got turned around. It was an enactment of the world turned upside down. Men dressed up as women, women dressed up as men, the rich traded places with the poor, etc. There was physical reversal: people standing on their heads, horses going backwards and fishes flying. There was reversal of relationships between man and beast: the horse shoeing the master or the fish eating the fisherman. The other reversal was that of relationships between men: servants giving orders to their masters or men feeding children while their wives worked the fields. Many events centred on the figure of ‘Carnival’, often depicted as a fat man, cheerful and surrounded by food. The figure of ‘Lent’, for contrast, often took the form of a thin, old woman, dressed in black and hung with fish. These depictions varied in form and name in the different regions in Europe. A recurring element was the performance of a play, usually a farce. Mock battles were also a favourite pass-time during the Carnival period. Carnival usually ended with the defeat of ‘Carnival’ by ‘Lent’. This could happen in the form of the mock trial and execution of ‘Carnival’, (Bologna, Italy, 16th century), the beheading of a pig (Venice, Italy), or the burial of a sardine (Madrid, Spain). So what was the meaning of Carnival in Early Modern Europe? Was it merely an excuse for the populace to go crazy or did Carnival have a deeper eaning hidden behind the facade of food, violence and sex? Carnival was a holiday, a game. It was a time of ecstasy and liberation. The form was determined by three major themes: food, sex and violence. It was the time of indulgence, of abundance. It was also a time of intense sexual activity – tables of the seasonal movement of conceptions in 18th century France show a peak around February. Carnival was also a festival of aggression, destruction and desecration. It was the ideal time to insult or pester people who had wronged someone, often in the form of a mock battle of a football match. A time for paying off old grudges. Serious violence was not avoided and in most areas the rates of serious crimes and killings went up during Carnival. It was also a time of opposition, in more than one way. It opposed the ecclesiastical ritual of Lent. Lent was a period of fasting and abstinence of all things enjoyed by the people, not just food and drink but also sex and recreation. The elements that were taken out of life during Lent were emphasised during Carnival. All that was portrayed by the figures of ‘Carnival’ and ‘Lent’ (fat versus thin). Carnival was polysemous, meaning different things to different people in ifferent areas. In different regions, different heroes were celebrated. Sometimes elements were taken over from other regions. Carnival did not have the same importance all over Europe. In the north of Europe (Britain, Scandinavia) it was less important than in the rest of Europe. This was probably partly due to the climate which discouraged an elaborate street festival at that time of the year. In these regions, people preferred to elaborate the festivities during the Midsummer festival (St. John’s Eve). Two reasons for this are the pagan survivals that were stronger in these regions, partly because they were solated from the rest of Europe due to geographical obstacles, causing a lesser ecclesiastical influence, and the climatic situation as mentioned above. Carnival was a festival in extremis, but elements of Carnival can be found in every festival that was celebrated in Early Modern Europe. During the harvest season, all over Europe festivals and rituals were held. The harvest was celebrated, again, with elaborate drinking and eating, although in a more moderate way than the Carnival celebrations. All these festival had one thing in common: they offered the people an escape from their everyday life and a way to express themselves. It offered the people a way to vent their resentments and some form of entertainment. Festivals were an escape from their struggle to earn a living. They were something to look forward to and were a celebration of the community and a display of its ability to put on a good show. It is said that the mocking of outsiders (the neighbouring village or Jews) and animals might be seen as a dramatic expression of community solidarity. Some rituals might be seen as a form of social control, in a sense that it was a means for a community to express their discontent with certain embers of the community (charivari). The ritual of public punishment can be seen in this light, as it was used to deter people from committing crimes. Professor Max Gluckman used the African popular culture to explain the social function of the ritual of reversal of roles as it happened during rituals as Carnival. Similar rituals still occur in certain regions in Africa. Gluckman explains this ritual as an emphasis of certain rules and taboos through lifting them for a certain period of time. The apparent protests against the social order were intended to preserve and even to trengthen the established order. As a counter example Gluckman states that: â€Å"? in regions where the social order is seriously questioned, ‘rites of protest’ do not occur. † Riots and rebellions frequently took place during major festivals. Rebels and rioters employed rituals and symbols to legitimise their actions. Inhibitions against expressing hostility towards the authorities or individuals were weakened by the excitement of the festival and the consumption of large quantities of alcohol. If those factors were combined with discontent over a bad harvest, tax increases or other calamities, this ituation could get out of control. It could prove a good opportunity for people excluded from power to try and enforce certain changes. It is hardly surprising that members of the upper classes often suggested that particular festivals ought to be abolished. They felt threatened by the populace who during festivals tried to revolt against the ruling classes and change the economical situation they were in. The reform of popular festivals was instigated by the will of some of the ‘educated’ to change the attitudes and values of the rest of the population († to improve them†). This reformation took on different forms in different regions and it took place at different moments in time. There were also differences in the practices that were being reformed. Catholics and Protestants opposed to different elements of popular festivals and they did so for different reasons. Even within the Protestant movement, the views towards reformation of festivals and popular rituals varied. Missionaries on both sides worked in Europe to install their religious values in the local people. Reformers on both sides objected in particular to certain elements in popular religion. Festivals were part of popular religion or were at least disguised as an element of popular religion. The festival of Martinmas (11 November) was a good example of this. What were the objections of the authorities against these elements of popular culture in general and popular religion in particular? There were two essential religious objections. Firstly, the majority of festivals were seen as remnants of ancient paganism. Secondly, the festivals offered the people an occasion to over-indulge in immoral or offensive behaviour, at many occasions attacking the establishment (both ecclesiastical and civil). The first objection meant that reformers disliked many of the popular customs because they contained traces of ancient customs dating from pre-Christian times. Protestant reformers went very far in their objections, even denouncing a number of Catholic rituals as being pre-Christian survivals, considering the saints as successors of pagan gods and heroes, taking over their curative and protective functions. Magic was also considered a pagan remnant: the Protestants accused the Catholics of practising a pagan ritual by claiming that certain holy places held magical powers and could cure people. The reformers denounced the rituals they didn’t find fitting as being irreverent and blasphemous. Carnival and the charivaris were considered â€Å"the work of the devil†, because it made a mockery of certain godly elements the Church held sacred. The reformers thought people who didn’t honour God in their way to be heathen, doomed to spend their afterlife in eternal damnation. Flamboyance was to be chased out of all religious aspects of culture, and, where possible, out of all other aspects of life, according to the Protestant doctrine. In some areas, gesturing during church services was banned, as was laughter. All these things were seen as irreverent, making a mockery of religion. All these changes were introduced in order to create a sharper separation between the ’sacred’ and the ‘profane’. The ecclesiastical authorities were out to destroy the traditional familiarity with the sacred because â€Å"familiarity breeds irreverence. The objection against popular recreations stemmed from the idea that they were ‘vanities’, displeasing God because they were a waste of time and money and distracted people from going to church. This objection was shared by both the ecclesiastical and civil authorities. The latter mainly bjected because it distracted the populace from their work, which in turn affected the revenues of the leading upper classes, or from other activities that were benefiting the rich, reasons that would vary per region. Catholic and Protestant reformers were not equally hostile to popular culture, nor were they hostile for quite the same reasons. Protestant reformers were more radical, denouncing festivals as relics of popery and looking to abolish feast-days as well as the feast that came with it, because they considered the saints that were celebrated during these festivals as remnants of a pre-Christian era. Many of these Protestant reformers were equally radical in their attacks on holy images, which they considered ‘idols’. During the end of the 16th and the first half of the 17th century Dutch churches were pillaged by Protestants trying to destroy all religious relics and images (de Beeldenstorm). Catholic reformers were more modified in their actions; they tried to reach a certain modification of popular religious culture, even trying to adapt certain elements to the Catholic way of worshipping and incorporating popular elements into their religion. They insisted that some times were holier than others, and they id object to the extend to which the holy days were celebrated with food and drink. Some argued that it was impossible to obey the rites of Lent with proper reverence and devotion if they had indulged in Carnival just before. Catholic reformers also installed rules in order to regulate certain popular festivals and rituals, such as a prohibition on dressing up as a member of the clergy during Carnival or a prohibition on dancing or performing plays in churches or churchyards. Contrary to the Protestant reformers however, the Catholic reformers did not set out to abolish estivals and rituals completely. Civil authorities had their own reasons to object to popular festivals in Early Modern Europe. Apart from taking the people away from work or other obligations, the authorities feared that during the time of a festival, the abundance of alcohol could stir up the feelings of discontent the people had been hiding all throughout the year. Misery and alcohol could create a dangerous mix that would give people the courage they needed to rebel against authorities. This was a good reason for the authorities to try and stop, or at least control, popular festivals.

Factors Affecting The Development Of Anxiety Disorders

Research Evaluation: ‘To what extent do familial factors contribute to the development of anxiety disorders?’ Written in the form of a biological report, the research study suggested that the extent in which familial factors contribute to the development of anxiety disorders is dependent on the experiences and health of an individual, and/or their ancestors. To determine the factors appropriate to the question, the term ‘anxiety disorder’ had to be defined, leading to the understanding that it is a consistent and excessive anxious behaviour (Anxiety Disorders, n.d.), where individuals are in a â€Å"future-oriented mood state† (cited in Craske et al., 2011). This knowledge formed the foundation for the arguments. Familial factors included behavioural epigenetics, a genetically predisposed gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA) deficiency, as well as a serotonin deficiency and FKBP5 variants, both of which are induced by childhood abuse. 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